Half Sigma notes:
As Steve Sailer points out, Jon Krosnick, a professor at Stanford University, uses the following question to measure racist attitudes:
It’s really a matter of some people just not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only try harder, they could be just as well off as whites.
I presume that agreeing with this statement makes one racist, which makes me not a racist because I would disagree. The IQ gap between whites and blacks is such that no amount of trying harder will ever enable blacks to be as well off as whites, not in a country in which those with IQs below 100 aren’t qualified for decent career tracks.
Of course denialism of HBD is taken as a given, so the assumption is that agreement with the statement means that the respondent denies the “fact” that massive racism is preventing blacks from being as well off as whites, and such denialism of racism is considered to be racist.
Egalitarians originally pushed motivational theories of the IQ gap — e.g., explanations # 75, 76, 97, 106, etc.. Accordingly, Blacks don’t have high IQs because they are unmotivated to invest in Human capital (i.e., IQ) and they are unmotivated because of historic oppression or because of contemporaneous market discrimination. In the 1960s, though, it was shown in a massive national study that Blacks reported levels of motivation equal to if not higher than Whites. The conflict between the evidence from self-reported surveys, particularly ones from nationally represented studies, and the motivational theorist’s predictions was termed the “attitude-achievement paradox.” To escape this paradox, it was argued that Black self assessment didn’t well index practically important Black motivational levels. This is still argued, in some quarters. Hence, you can find rebuttals to these theories like the one below:
From: Downey et al., 2009. Rethinking the Attitude-Achievement Paradox Among Blacks
Given blacks’ current socioeconomic disadvantages, coupled with their historically oppressed relationship with whites, most scholars would expect blacks to express pessimistic attitudes toward schooling. But they do not. This puzzle was evident as far back as the 1966 Coleman report, which concluded that blacks “give a picture of students who report high interest in academic achievement, but whose reported interest is not translated through effective action into achievement” (Coleman et al. 1966:320). Others have had difficulty understanding black students’ optimistic educational expectations. Studying a sample of black and white high school boys from Indiana, Kerckhoff and Campbell (1977:24) wrote: “The expectations of the white boys seem clearly to be based on their past school experience as well as their ability and social background, but there is little understandable basis for the expectations of the blacks.” This pattern is also evident among researchers who have used ethnographic methods. For example, through observations of black students in a Stockton, California, high school, Ogbu (1989:102) identified what he called the “paradox of high educational aspirations but low academic performance.”
We identify two competing explanations for the paradox. The first questions the legitimacy of blacks’ attitudes. In contrast, the second accepts blacks’ pro-school attitudes as credible, but notes how blacks may face special challenges in converting attitudes into achievement…
…The evidence garnered here has implications for understanding the source of the black-white gap in educational performance. One set of explanations emphasizes how blacks have developed an oppositional culture that is resistant to school goals (Ogbu 1991). Blacks’ pro-school attitudes contradict this explanation, but proponents of the oppositional culture perspective have dismissed blacks’ pro-school attitudes, citing the abstract/concrete solution as a reason for viewing black’s optimism with skepticism (Farkas et al. 2002; Mickelson 2008). Our analysis suggests that if attitude achievement associations are examined across racial/ethnic groups, there is reason to view blacks’ attitudes with legitimacy. The paradox of blacks’ pro-school attitudes but poorer achievement (relative to whites) is not readily understood by dismissing blacks’ attitudes as wishful thinking. Blacks’ pro-school attitudes represent a rational response to their historically improving conditions and the contemporary payoff that blacks accrue from investments in schooling. [Chuck: Ok, but the theory presented in the last sentence (and discussed on page 15) doesn’t make sense of the high level of self reported motivation reported in the 1965 Coleman report which was mentioned in the opening paragraph.]
Since, it has been shown that Black self reported motivation is no less predictive that White self reported motivation. So now the trend is to consider motivational theories of the IQ gap to be racist, unless they are couched in sufficiently antiracist terminology. I’m not well read in liberal theology, but I’m pretty sure that positing a motivational theory is more akin to a venal sin than to a mortal one. Speculating about genetic differences is definitely a mortal one. Accepting White racism is just accepting White man’s fallen nature — or something like that.